Literature Review On Social Networking Media Essay

Literature Review On Social Ne dickensrking Media EssayThe way muckle live these days is by entirely odds different than the previous, large number now pass to luck their daily flavor events, immatures and even feelings and emotions with new-fashioned(prenominal)s. Social entanglements range (SNSs) has pop the questiond the facility of enabling them to do so.The Social Data Revolution (SDR) is the wobble in human colloquy patterns towards increased personalisedisedised information sharing and its related implications, made affirmable by the rise of neighborly entanglements in early(a) 2000s. While mixer interlocks were use in the early days to clandestinely sh atomic number 18 photos and snobbish messages, the subsequent trend towards pack hands-offly and actively sharing personal information more(prenominal) broadly has resulted in unprecedented amounts of general entropy.Janet Fouts in her book defines the hearty media as stack engaged in conversa tion around a topic online. (Fouts, 2009).Her definition is a oecumenicalization to the unscathed topic, so there is a nonher definition by (Boyed and Ellison, 2007) that is Social network ranks are defined as wed-based usefulnesss that allow individuals to three principal(prenominal) points the first is to construct a public or semi-public profile in spite of appearance a system, the second is to formulate a distinguish of separate exploiters with whom they share a assignion, and the third is to view and cutoff their list of joinings and those made by others within the system.This definition describes in specific the way people splice done with(predicate) the societal network billets, and the nature and classification of these connections may neuter from target to site.While we use the consideration well-disposed network site to describe this phenomenon, the term social networking sites in like manner appears in public discourse, and the two damage are often u sed inter tiltably. We chose not to employ the term networking for two reasons emphasis and scope. communicateing expresss relationship initiation, often between strangers. While networking is assertable on these sites, it is not the primary practice on many another(prenominal) another(prenominal) of them, nor is it what differentiates them from other forms of computer-mediated communication (CMC).The term social network site is interchangeably used with the term social networking site, yet they are not the comparable. The term networking in round manner readerers to theOr skillful remove the whole paragraphWhat makes social network sites unique is not that they allow individuals to meet strangers, but rather that they modify users to articulate and make visible their social networks. This can result in connections between individuals that would not otherwise be made, but that is often not the goal, and these meetings are frequently between latent ties (Haythornthwaite, 2005) who share some offline connection. On many of the large SNSs, participants are not necessarily networking or spirit to meet new people instead, they are primarily communicating with people who are already a part of their extended social network. To emphasize this articulated social network as a critical organizing rollick of these sites, we label them social network sites.While SNSs confirm implemented a wide variety of technical suffers, their backb unrivaled consists of visible profiles that display a clear list of Friends who are also users of the system. Profiles are unique pages where one can type oneself into being (Sundn, 2003, p. 3). After joining an SNS, an individual is asked to take in out forms containing a series of questions. The profile is generated exploitation the answers to these questions, which typically entangle descriptors much(prenominal) as age, location, interests, and an somewhat me section. or so sites also encourage users to transfer a p rofile photo. Some sites allow users to enhance their profiles by fetching mul clockdia system content or modifying their profiles look and feel. new(prenominal)s, much(prenominal) as Facebook and twitter, allow users to add modules (Applications) that enhance their profile.The profile of a profile varies by site and consort to user discretion. By default, profiles on Friendster and Tribe.net are crawled by search engines, do them visible to anyone, regardless of whether or not the watcher has an account. Alternatively, LinkedIn controls what a viewer may see based on whether she or he has a paid account. Sites worry MySpace allow users to choose whether they want their profile to be public or Friends only. Facebook takes a different approach-by default, users who are part of the same network can view apiece others profiles, unless a profile owner has decided to deny permission to those in their network. Structural variations around visibility and access are one of the pr imary ways that SNSs differentiate themselves from each other.After joining a social network site, users are prompted to learn others in the system with whom they hand over a relationship. The label for these relationships differs depending on the site- favorite terms include Friends, Contacts, and Fans. Most SNSs require bi-directional confirmation for Friendship, but some do not. These one-directional ties are sometimes labeled as Fans or Followers, but many sites call these Friends as well. The term Friends can be misleading, because the connection does not necessarily mean familiarity in the everyday vernacular sense, and the reasons people connect are varied (boyd, 2006a).The public display of connections is a all-important(a) component of SNSs. The Friends list contains links to each Friends profile, enabling viewers to journey the network graph by clicking through the Friends lists. On turn up to sites, the list of Friends is visible to anyone who is permitted to view the profile, although there are neglections. For instance, some MySpace users concord hacked their profiles to encompass the Friends display, and LinkedIn allows users to opt out of displaying their network.Most SNSs also provide a weapon for users to leave messages on their Friends profiles. This induce typically involves leaving comments, although sites employ non-homogeneous labels for this feature. In addition, SNSs often have a private communicate feature similar to webmail. While some(prenominal) private messages and comments are touristed on virtually of the major SNSs, they are not universally available.Not all social network sites began as such. QQ started as a Chinese newsbreak messaging returns, LunarStorm as a society site, Cyworld as a Korean discussion forum tool, and Skyrock (formerly Skyblog) was a French blogging service in advance adding SNS features. Classmates.com, a directory of give instruction affiliates launched in 1995, began allowing artic ulated lists of Friends after SNSs became popular. AsianAvenue, MiGente, and BlackPlanet were early popular ethnic community sites with limited Friends functionality before re-launching in 2005-2006 with SNS features and structure.Beyond profiles, Friends, comments, and private messaging, SNSs vary greatly in their features and user base. Some have photo-sharing or video-sharing capabilities others have built-in blogging and instant messaging technology. There are mobile-specific SNSs (e.g., Dodgeball), but some web-based SNSs also avow limited mobile interactions (e.g., Facebook, MySpace, and Cyworld). Many SNSs objective people from specific geographical regions or linguistic groups, although this does not invariably determine the sites community. Orkut, for example, was launched in the United States with an English-only interface, but Portuguese-speaking Brazilians promptly became the dominant user group (Kopytoff, 2004). Some sites are knowing with specific ethnic, religiou s, sexual orientation, political, or other identity element-driven categories in mind. There are even SNSs for dogs (Dogster) and cats (Catster), although their owners must handle their profiles.While SNSs are often designed to be widely accessible, many suck homogeneous populations initially, so it is not uncommon to find groups exploitation sites to separate themselves out by nationality, age, educational level, or other factors that typically segment society (Hargittai, 2008), even if that was not the intention of the designers.A annals of Social Network SitesThe Early YearsThe first recognizable social network site launched in 1997. SixDegrees.com allowed users to pretend profiles, list their Friends and, beginning in 1998, surf the Friends lists. Each of these features dwelled in some form before SixDegrees of course. Profiles existed on more or less major dating sites and many community sites. AIM and ICQ buddy lists supported lists of Friends, although those Friends were not visible to others. Classmates.com allowed people to connect with their high school or college and surf the network for others who were also joined, but users could not hit profiles or list Friends until years later. The first to combine these features was SixDegrees.SixDegrees promoted itself as a tool to dish up people connect with and send messages to others. While SixDegrees attracted megs of users, it failed to continue, the service closed in 2000. Looking back, its puter believes that SixDegrees was simply ahead of its time (A. Weinreich, personal communication, July 11, 2007). While people were already flocking to the Internet, most did not have extended networks of friends who were online. Early adopters complained that there was little to do after accept Friend requests, and most users were not interested in meeting strangers.From 1997 to 2001, a number of community tools began supporting various combinations of profiles and publicly articulated Friends. AsianAv enue, BlackPlanet, and MiGente allowed users to create personal, professional, and dating profiles, users could identify Friends on their personal profiles without seeking approval for those connections (O. Wasow, personal communication, noble 16, 2007). uniformwise, shortly after its launch in 1999, LiveJournal listed one-directional connections on user pages. People mark others as Friends to follow their journals and manage privacy settings. The Korean virtual worlds site Cyworld was started in 1999 and added SNS features in 2001, independent of these other sites (see Kim Yun, this issue)* surface back to this ref. Likewise, when the Swedish web community LunarStorm refashioned itself as an SNS in 2000, it contained Friends lists, guestbooks, and diary pages (D. Skog, personal communication, family 24, 2007).Ryze.com was the beginning of the next wave of SNSs, it was launched in 2001 to servicing people control their transmission line networks. Ryzes founder reports that he first introduced the site to his friends, primarily members of the San Francisco business and technology community, including the entrepreneurs and investors behind many future SNSs (A. Scott, personal communication, June 14, 2007)*revise this ref. In particular, the people behind Ryze, Tribe.net, LinkedIn, and Friendster were tightly interrelated personally and professionally. They believed that they could support each other without competing (Festa, 2003). In the end, Ryze never acquired mass popularity, Tribe.net grew to attract a passionate receding user base, LinkedIn became a powerful business service, and Friendster became the most significant, if only as one of the biggest disappointments in Internet memorial (Chafkin, 2007, p. 1).Figure 1. Distribution of work task interruptionFigure 1. Timeline of the launch dates of many major SNSs and dates when community sites re-launched with SNS featuresThat was a brief history of the general SNSs. The following section discusses F riendster, MySpace, and Facebook those are the three key SNSs that has shaped the business, cultural, and look background.The Rise (and Fall) of FriendsterFriendster launched in 2002 as a social complement to Ryze. It was designed to compete with Match.com, a profitable online dating site (Cohen, 2003). While most dating sites focused on introducing people to strangers with similar interests, Friendster was designed to help friends-of-friends meet, based on the assumption that friends-of-friends would make better romantic partners than would strangers. Friendster gained swear among three groups of early adopters who shaped the site-bloggers, attendees of the Burning Man arts feast (Who are these?), and gay men (boyd, 2004)-and grew to 300,000 users through word of mouth before traditional press reportage began in May 2003 (OShea, 2003). *find this ref and try to make changes to the prev. paragraphAs Friendsters popularity raised, the site encountered technical and social ambitio usies (boyd, 2006b). Friendsters databases and resolvers were not well equipped to handle its fast maturation, and the site exhausted out regularly, that caused frustrating users who replaced email with Friendster.** rephrase this paragraph Because organic growth had been critical to creating a coherent community, the onslaught of new users who learned about the site from media coverage upset the cultural balance. Furthermore, exponential growth meant a collapse in social contexts Users had to face their bosses and former classmates alongside their close friends. To complicate matters, Friendster began restricting the activities of its most passionate users.The initial design of Friendster certified users from viewing profiles of people who were more than four degrees away (friends-of-friends-of-friends-of-friends). In coif to view additional profiles, users began adding acquaintances and interesting-looking strangers to expand their reach. Some began massively collecting Frien ds, an activeness that was implicitly encouraged through a most popular feature. The ultimate collectors were jook joint profiles representing iconic fictional characters celebrities, concepts, and other such entities. These Fakesters outraged the company, who banished fake profiles and eliminated the most popular feature (boyd, in press-b). While a few(prenominal) people actually created Fakesters, many more enjoyed surfing Fakesters for entertainment or employ functional Fakesters (e.g., Brown University) to find people they knew.The active deletion of Fakesters (and honorable users who chose non-realistic photos) signaled to some that the company did not share users interests. Many early adopters leave because of the combination of technical difficulties, social collisions, and a rupture of trust between users and the site (boyd, 2006b). However, at the same time that it was fading in the U.S., its popularity skyrocketed in the Philippines, Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesi a (Goldberg, 2007).SNSs Hit the MainstreamFrom 2003 onward, many new SNSs were launched, prompting social software analyst Clay Shirky (2003) to coin the term YASNS Yet Another Social Networking Service. Most took the form of profile-centric sites, trying to replicate the early success of Friendster or come in specific demographics. While socially-organized SNSs solicit broad audiences, professional sites such as LinkedIn, Visible Path, and Xing (formerly openBC) focus on business people. Passion-centric SNSs equivalent Dogster (T. Rheingold, personal communication, alarming 2, 2007) help strangers connect based on shared interests. Care2 helps activists meet, Couchsurfing connects travelers to people with couches, and MyChurch joins Christian churches and their members. Furthermore, as the social media and user-generated content phenomena grew, websites focused on media sharing began implementing SNS features and befitting SNSs themselves. Examples include Flickr (photo shari ng), Last.FM (music listening habits), and YouTube (video sharing).With the plethora of venture-backed startups launching in Silicon Valley, few people paid guardianship to SNSs that gained popularity elsewhere, even those built by major corporations. For example, Googles Orkut failed to build a sustainable U.S. user base, but a Brazilian invasion (Fragoso, 2006) made Orkut the national SNS of Brazil. Microsofts Windows Live Spaces (a.k.a. MSN Spaces) also launched to lukewarm U.S. answer but became extremely popular elsewhere.Few analysts or journalists noticed when MySpace launched in Santa Monica, California, hundreds of miles from Silicon Valley. MySpace was begun in 2003 to compete with sites like Friendster, Xanga, and AsianAvenue, according to co-founder Tom Anderson (personal communication, supercilious 2, 2007) the founders cherished to attract estranged Friendster users (T. Anderson, personal communication, February 2, 2006). After rumors emerged that Friendster would adopt a fee-based system, users posted Friendster messages encouraging people to join alternate SNSs, including Tribe.net and MySpace (T. Anderson, personal communication, August 2, 2007). Because of this, MySpace was able to grow rapidly by capitalizing on Friendsters alienation of its early adopters. One particularly notable group that encouraged others to switch were indie-rock bands who were expelled from Friendster for helplessness to comply with profile regulations.While MySpace was not launched with bands in mind, they were welcomed. Indie-rock bands from the Los Angeles region began creating profiles, and local anesthetic promoters used MySpace to advertise VIP passes for popular clubs. Intrigued, MySpace contacted local musicians to see how they could support them (T. Anderson, personal communication, September 28, 2006). Bands were not the sole source of MySpace growth, but the symbiotic relationship between bands and fans helped MySpace expand beyond former Friendster us ers. The bands-and-fans dynamic was mutually beneficial Bands wanted to be able to contact fans, magical spell fans craved attention from their favorite bands and used Friend connections to signal identity and affiliation.Futhermore, MySpace separate itself by regularly adding features based on user demand (boyd, 2006b) and by allowing users to personalize their pages. This feature emerged because MySpace did not restrict users from adding HTML into the forms that framed their profiles a copy/paste code culture emerged on the web to support users in generating unique MySpace backgrounds and layouts (Perkel, in press).Teenagers began joining MySpace en masse in 2004. Unlike older users, most teens were never on Friendster-some joined because they wanted to connect with their favorite bands others were introduced to the site through older family members. As teens began signing up, they encouraged their friends to join. Rather than rejecting underage users, MySpace changed its user policy to allow minors. As the site grew, three explicit populations began to form musicians/artists, teenagers, and the post-college urban social crowd. By and large, the latter two groups did not interact with one another except through bands. Because of the lack of primary(prenominal)stream press coverage during 2004, few others noticed the sites development popularity.Then, in July 2005, News Corporation purchased MySpace for $580 million (BBC, 2005), attracting massive media attention. Afterwards, safety issues plagued MySpace. The site was implicated in a series of sexual interactions between adults and minors, prompting legal action (Consumer Affairs, 2006). A moral panic concerning sexual predators quickly spread (Bahney, 2006), although research suggests that the concerns were exaggerated.A Global PhenomenonWhile MySpace attracted the majority of media attention in the U.S. and abroad, SNSs were proliferating and developing in popularity ecumenical. Friendster gained t raction in the Pacific Islands, Orkut became the premiere SNS in Brazil before growing rapidly in India (Madhavan, 2007), Mixi bring home the bacon widespread adoption in Japan, LunarStorm took off in Sweden, Dutch users embraced Hyves, Grono captured Poland, Hi5 was adopt in smaller countries in Latin America, South America, and Europe, and Bebo became very popular in the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Australia. Additionally, previously popular communication and community services began implementing SNS features. The Chinese QQ instant messaging service instantly became the largest SNS worldwide when it added profiles and made friends visible (McLeod, 2006), while the forum tool Cyworld cornered the Korean market by introducing homepages and buddies (Ewers, 2006).Blogging services with complete SNS features also became popular. In the U.S., blogging tools with SNS features, such as Xanga, LiveJournal, and Vox, attracted broad audiences. Skyrock reigns in France, and Windows L ive Spaces dominates numerous markets worldwide, including in Mexico, Italy, and Spain. Although SNSs like QQ, Orkut, and Live Spaces are just as large as, if not bigger than, MySpace, they receive little coverage in U.S. and English-speaking media, making it difficult to track their trajectories.Expanding Niche CommunitiesAlongside these open services, other SNSs launched to support niche demographics before expanding to a broader audience. Unlike previous SNSs, Facebook was designed to support distinct college networks only. Facebook began in early 2004 as a Harvard-only SNS (Cassidy, 2006). To join, a user had to have a harvard.edu email address. As Facebook began supporting other schools, those users were also undeniable to have university email addresses associated with those institutions, a requirement that kept the site relatively closed and contributed to users perceptions of the site as an intimate, private community.Beginning in September 2005, Facebook expanded to inclu de high school students, professionals inside corporate networks, and, eventually, everyone. The change to open signup did not mean that new users could easily access users in closed networks-gaining access to corporate networks still required the appropriate .com address, while gaining access to high school networks required administrator approval. (As of this writing, only rank and file in regional networks requires no permission.) Unlike other SNSs, Facebook users are futile to make their full profiles public to all users. Another feature that differentiates Facebook is the mogul for outside developers to build Applications which allow users to personalize their profiles and perform other tasks, such as compare movie preferences and chart travel histories.While most SNSs focus on growing broadly and exponentially, others explicitly seek narrower audiences. Some, like aSmallWorld and BeautifulPeople, intentionally restrict access to appear selective and elite. Others-activity-c entered sites like Couchsurfing, identity-driven sites like BlackPlanet, and affiliation-focused sites like MyChurch-are limited by their target demographic and thus tend to be smaller. Finally, anyone who wishes to create a niche social network site can do so on Ning, a platform and hosting service that encourages users to create their own SNSs.Currently, there are no reliable data regarding how many people use SNSs, although marketing research indicates that SNSs are growing in popularity worldwide (comScore, 2007). This growth has prompted many corporations to invest time and bullion in creating, purchasing, promoting, and advertising SNSs. At the same time, other companies are cube their employees from accessing the sites. Additionally, the U.S. military banned soldiers from accessing MySpace (Frosch, 2007) and the Canadian government prohibited employees from Facebook (Benzie, 2007), while the U.S. telling has proposed legislation to ban youth from accessing SNSs in schools and libraries (H.R. 5319, 2006 S. 49, 2007).The rise of SNSs indicates a shift in the organization of online communities. While websites dedicated to communities of interest still exist and prosper, SNSs are primarily organized around people, not interests. Early public online communities such as Usenet and public discussion forums were structure by topics or according to topical hierarchies, but social network sites are structured as personal (or egocentric) networks, with the individual at the center of their own community. This more unblemishedly mirrors unmediated social structures, where the world is composed of networks, not groups (Wellman, 1988, p. 37). The establishment of SNS features has introduced a new organizational framework for online communities, and with it, a vibrant new research context.Previous learningScholarship concerning SNSs is emerging from diverse corrective and methodological traditions, addresses a range of topics, and builds on a large consistency of CMC research. The goal of this section is to survey research that is directly concerned with social network sites, and in so doing, to set the stage for the articles in this special(a) issue. To date, the bulk of SNS research has focused on impression management and friendship performance, networks and network structure, online/offline connections, and privacy issues. moving picture Management and Friendship PerformanceLike other online contexts in which individuals are consciously able to construct an online internal representation of self-such as online dating profiles and MUDS-SNSs constitute an important research context for scholars analyse processes of impression management, self-presentation, and friendship performance. In one of the earliest academic articles on SNSs, boyd (2004) examined Friendster as a locus of publicly articulated social networks that allowed users to do presentations of self and connect with others. Donath and boyd (2004) extended this to suggest that public displays of connection serve as important identity signals that help people navigate the networked social world, in that an extended network may serve to validate identity information presented in profiles.While most sites encourage users to construct accurate representations of themselves, participants do this to varying degrees. Marwick (2005) found that users on three different SNSs had interlocking strategies for negotiating the rigidity of a prescribed authentic profile, while boyd (in press-b) examined the phenomenon of Fakesters and argued that profiles could never be real. The extent to which portraits are authentic or playful varies across sites both social and technological forces shape user practices. Skog (2005) found that the lieu feature on LunarStorm strongly influenced how people behaved and what they choose to reveal-profiles there indicate ones status as measured by activity (e.g., sending messages) and indicators of authenticity (e.g., using a real p hoto instead of a drawing).Another flavour of self-presentation is the articulation of friendship links, which serve as identity markers for the profile owner. Impression management is one of the reasons given by Friendster users for choosing particular friends (Donath boyd, 2004). Recognizing this, Zinman and Donath (2007) noted that MySpace spammers leverage peoples willingness to connect to interesting people to find targets for their spam.In their examination of LiveJournal friendship, Fono and Raynes-Goldie (2006) set forth users understandings regarding public displays of connections and how the Friending function can operate as a gas pedal for social drama. In listing user motivations for Friending, boyd (2006a) points out that Friends on SNSs are not the same as friends in the everyday sense instead, Friends provide context by offering users an imagined audience to guide behavioral norms. Other work in this area has examined the use of Friendster Testimonials as self-pre sentational devices (boyd Heer, 2006) and the extent to which the attraction of ones Friends (as indicated by Facebooks Wall feature) impacts impression formation (Walther, Van Der Heide, Kim, Westerman, in press).Networks and Network StructureSocial network sites also provide rich sources of representational behavioral data. Profile and linkage data from SNSs can be gathered either through the use of automated collection techniques or through datasets provided directly from the company, enabling network outline researchers to explore large-scale patterns of friending, usage, and other visible indicators (Hogan, in press), and continuing an analysis trend that started with examinations of blogs and other websites. For instance, Golder, Wilkinson, and Huberman (2007) examined an anonymized dataset consisting of 362 million messages exchanged by over four million Facebook users for insight into Friending and messaging activities. Lampe, Ellison, and Steinfield (2007) explored the relationship between profile elements and number of Facebook friends, finding that profile field that reduce transaction costs and are harder to falsify are most likely to be associated with larger number of friendship links. These kinds of data also lend themselves well to analysis through network visualization (Adamic, Bykkkten, Adar, 2003 Heer boyd, 2005 Paolillo Wright, 2005).SNS researchers have also studied the network structure of Friendship. Analyzing the roles people played in the growth of Flickr and Yahoo 360s networks, Kumar, Novak, and Tomkins (2006) argued that there are passive members, inviters, and linkers who fully participate in the social evolution of the network (p. 1). Scholarship concerning LiveJournals network has included a Friendship classification scheme (Hsu, Lancaster, Paradesi, Weniger, 2007), an analysis of the role of language in the topology of Friendship (Herring et al., 2007), research into the richness of geography in Friending (Liben-Nowell , Novak, Kumar, Raghavan, Tomkins, 2005), and studies on what motivates people to join particular communities (Backstrom, Huttenlocher, Kleinberg, Lan, 2006). base on Orkut data, Spertus, Sahami, and Bykkkten (2005) identified a topology of users through their membership in certain communities they suggest that sites can use this to advise additional communities of interest to users. Finally, Liu, Maes, and Davenport (2006) argued that Friend connections are not the only network structure worth investigating. They examined the ways in which the performance of tastes (favorite music, books, film, etc.) constitutes an alternate network structure, which they call a taste fabric.Bridging Online and Offline Social NetworksAlthough exceptions exist, the available research suggests that most SNSs primarily support pre-existing social relations. Ellison, Steinfield, and Lampe (2007) suggest that Facebook is used to apply existing offline relationships or solidify offline connections, a s opposed to meeting new people. These relationships may be weak ties, but typically there is some common offline element among individuals who friend one another, such as a shared class at school. This is one of the chief dimensions that differentiate SNSs from preliminary forms of public CMC such as newsgroups (Ellison et al., 2007). Research in this vein has investigated how online interactions interface with offline ones. For instance, Lampe, Ellison, and Steinfield (2006) found that Facebook users engage in searching for people with whom they have an offline connection more than they browse for complete strangers to meet. Likewise, Pew research found that 91% of U.S. teens who use SNSs do so to connect with friends (Lenhart Madden, 2007).Given that SNSs enable individuals to connect with one another, it is not surprising that they have become deeply implant in users lives. In Korea, Cyworld has become an integral part of everyday life-Choi (2006) found that 85% of that studys respondents listed the maintenance and reinforcement of pre-existing social networks as their main motive for Cyworld use (p. 181). Likewise, boyd (2008) argues that MySpace and Facebook enable U.S. youth to socialize with their friends even when they are unable to gather in unmediated situations she argues that SNSs are networked publics that support sociability, just as unmediated public spaces do.PrivacyPopular press coverage of SNSs has emphasized potential privacy concerns, primarily concerning the safety of younger users (George, 2006 Kornblum Marklein, 2006). Researchers have investigated th